Thursday, May 9, 2019

Steven Levitsky/Daniel Ziblatt, How Democracies Die







- This is a very clearly written analysis of extremism in democracies around the world and how their leaders, even without majority support, come to power. It’s so good because it puts Trump in context. His populism is not new.

- In the US during the Depression demagogues had large followings: the anti-Semitic Father Charles Coughlin; Louisiana governor Huey Long; Senator Joseph McCarthy; Alabama governor George Wallace; They were all exploiting ‘plain old American rage... the old and honorable American tradition of hate the powerful’ (journalist Arthur Hadley). 

-  But these earlier extremists never made it to the Presidency. The major parties had become the gatekeepers and the candidate selection process of the Primaries helped filter them out. Celebrities had always fallen short. 

- But then came Trump. And two new elements: money and alternative media, especially Fox News and social media.

- Across the world authoritarian governments use so-called ‘reform’ measures to their constitution to effectively kill democracy and cement their encumbrance. Wars, terrorism and faux security ‘crises’ are often the pretence.

- There are two norms fundamental to a functioning democracy: mutual toleration and institutional forbearance. 

- Newt Gingrich's arrival on the scene began to change that. He initiated the Republican party's ‘no compromise’ aggression in the 80’s and 90’s. Forbearance was rejected in pursuit of victory by ‘any means necessary’.

- The Tea Party emerged. Their aggression against Obama was relentless. Extremist rhetoric became the norm: ‘Nazi Germany’, ‘socialism’, ‘dictator’, ‘a Muslim’, ‘pretending to be an American’. The ‘birther enablers’ also emerged, including Trump.

- American democracy is now at a critical juncture: ‘..if Trump were to confront a war or terrorism attack, he would exploit this crisis fully...in our view this scenario represents the greatest danger facing American democracy today’.

- Unfortunately the conclusion to this excellent analysis is a little too lame: It urges the parties to 'seek alliances', as Germany did after WW2. ‘When we agree with our political rivals at least some of the time, we are less likely to view them as mortal enemies’. This is naive. It's the sort of thing that happens after a WAR. The German ‘coming together’ of centre-right elements is hardly a model for the US. Germany was a soundly defeated country in 1945 and the destruction of a hideous Nazi regime. 

- The authors are on firmer, far more realistic ground, when they outline a far-reaching economic and social agenda the Democrats must adopt to ensure their recovery, victory and long term success. This makes much more sense. 

- This final sentence I have to profoundly disagree with: ‘Few societies in history have managed to be both multiracial and genuinely democratic. That is our challenge. It is also our opportunity. If we meet it, America will be truly exceptional’. 

- Pity the authors know nothing about Australia, New Zealand, Canada or even the UK. They are never mentioned. Remarkably, they are not even listed in the index. 



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